Why Catalonia Is a Special Region, and Whether It Can Break Away from Spain

15 Dec 2025

Pavel Tarasenko

Some Catalans want nothing more than greater autonomy from Madrid; others want independence, full stop. But they all agree on one thing: Catalans are a distinct people. La Cotorra explains how Catalan identity was formed, why the idea of independence is still alive, and how realistic it is today.

Background

How did Catalonia emerge?

Catalan identity took shape over centuries — literally layer by layer. First, the eastern part of the Iberian Peninsula was home to Iberians; later came Phoenicians, Greeks, Carthaginians, Romans, and Visigoths. The mid-seventh century marked the rise of the Umayyad Caliphate. By 720, the whole territory of Catalonia had come under the rule of Arab-Berber conquerors.

However, Catalonia was not the main focus of Moorish power, and the neighbouring Frankish Empire took advantage of this. Frankish rulers began pushing the Moors back and granting the reconquered territories to their vassals. This gave rise to the Spanish March — a buffer zone between the Franks and the Arab domains, divided into counties dependent on the Carolingian monarchs. Barcelona became the capital of one of these counties (the County of Barcelona) and, more broadly, the centre of the Spanish March.

In 988, Count Borrell II, the ruler of Barcelona, refused to recognise the authority of the West Frankish king. Nationalists regard this as the birth of Catalan statehood.

The word “Catalonia” itself was first documented in the early twelfth century — in an oath sworn to the Count of Barcelona, Ramon Berenguer III. Its etymology is not entirely clear. One theory derives it from the names of the Goths and Alans (so that Catalonia emerged from Goth-Alania). Another traces it to the word Castellania (the land of castle-dwellers). A third links it to a supposed eighth-century knight, Otger Cataló, who fought Saracens in what later became Catalonia (a mythological figure still used by Catalan nationalists for political purposes today).

During the reign of Ramon Berenguer IV (1131–1162), Catalonia was united with Aragon. This period saw the strengthening and expansion of Catalan territories, and a flourishing of scholarship, arts, and law-making.

How did Catalonia fight for its rights?

In 1469, Catalans entered a dark period. The dynastic marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile laid the foundation of a unified Spain. Castile’s influence became dominant — in part through restrictions on Catalan autonomy.
1640–1652 was a major stage in Catalans’ struggle for their rights. This was the time of the Reapers’ War, which began as a revolt against the quartering of the royal army in Catalonia. On 10 September 1640, the region’s inhabitants proclaimed a republic. The conflict continued for twelve years — in large part thanks to French support for the Catalans. Ultimately, however, in October 1652 Barcelona surrendered, having first obtained a promise from King Philip IV to preserve traditional Catalan privileges.
A new ordeal arrived with the War of the Spanish Succession, which began in 1705. On 11 September 1714, Barcelona capitulated to the troops of the French Duke of Anjou, Philip, the future founder of the Spanish branch of the Bourbon dynasty (which still rules today). Soon after taking the throne, King Philip V abolished Catalonia’s local self-government institutions, closed local universities, and severely restricted the use of the Catalan language. Today, 11 September is observed each year as Catalonia’s National Day (La Diada) — a day of mourning and of struggle for Catalan rights.

That war also produced an insult still popular among supporters of Catalan independence. “Traitors to Catalonia”, meaning supporters of a united Spain, are sometimes called botiflers. The etymology is disputed too (one theory is that it is a corrupted form of beauté fleur, alluding to the fleur-de-lis on the Bourbon coat of arms).

In 1812, in the wake of the Napoleonic wars, France annexed Catalonia. French rule lasted only two years, but it brought no relief: Catalonia returned once again under the authority of the Spanish crown.
In the early nineteenth century, Catalan separatism experienced a renaissance. In 1922, the first political organisation advocating the region’s independence appeared: Estat Català (“Catalan State”). Activists led by Francesc Macià sought to create a country that would also include Catalan lands belonging to France. In 1928, a constitutional assembly of Catalan separatism took place in Cuba, where participants adopted a constitution for an independent Catalonia. The estelada — the unofficial flag of the Catalan lands and the principal symbol of independence supporters — was also adopted at that time. The most that could be achieved in those years, however, was the official recognition of Catalonia as an autonomous region (this occurred in 1932, during the dictatorship of General Primo de Rivera).
Then came another dark period for Catalans: the dictatorship of General Francisco Franco (1939–75). Pursuing the concept of a maximally centralised state, the Spanish authorities suppressed the Catalan language and, more broadly, any manifestations of Catalan identity. As with everything connected to Francoism, this remains a subject of debate. There is another viewpoint according to which Catalan, while not flourishing, was not outlawed either.

What happened to Catalonia in democratic Spain?

Franco’s death in 1975 and the adoption of Spain’s new constitution in 1978 brought Catalonia relief. The region regained its autonomous status; Catalonia was recognised as a “historically constituted nation”; and Catalan received official status alongside Spanish.

Until the early 2000s, the leading forces in the region were moderate nationalist parties. The Catalan leader from 1980 to 2003, Jordi Pujol, followed the principle of peix al cove (roughly equivalent to “A bird in the hand is worth two in the bush”). He argued for a gradual expansion of autonomy through negotiations with Madrid.

In the early 2000s, more ambitious figures replaced the cautious nationalists. The new leader, Artur Mas, secured the adoption in 2006 of a new Statute of Autonomy for Catalonia — a key document that expanded the region’s powers (including in education, culture, language policy, taxation, and transport). Catalans were recognised as a separate nation. But in 2010, Spain’s Constitutional Court removed several of the most contentious provisions — in particular, it ruled that the legal recognition of Catalonia as a “nation” was impermissible. This triggered mass protests and pushed the region towards open separatism.

In 2014, the Catalan authorities held a non-binding consultation in which 80.76 per cent of participants supported independence (although turnout was 37.1 per cent).

The climax came on 1 October 2017. The Catalan authorities held an independence referendum in which 90.2 per cent of participants backed secession (turnout 43 per cent). The Catalan parliament then proclaimed independence. The central government categorically rejected the referendum’s legitimacy, used force to block polling stations, then invoked Article 155 of the constitution (imposing direct rule on the region) and launched criminal proceedings against separatist leaders. The head of the regional government at the time, Carles Puigdemont, avoided punishment: he fled to Belgium and remained at liberty.

Background

What motivates supporters of independence?

Independence supporters emphasise the region’s long history of political self-government, including centuries of its own governing institutions and legal system. In their view, independence would restore historical justice.
Another argument is a distinct cultural and linguistic identity. Nationalists believe it is necessary to protect Catalan uniqueness more actively; in their deep conviction, Catalans have little in common with the rest of Spain.
Catalonia is one of Spain’s most developed and wealthiest regions: in 2024 it produced about 19 per cent of Spain’s total GDP. Moreover, the Catalan economy grew faster (3.6 per cent in 2024) than the national average (3.2 per cent). At the same time, a significant share of taxes collected in the region flows to the central budget and is then redistributed in favour of less developed autonomous communities. Independence supporters consider this system unfair.
They also invoke the right of peoples to self-determination enshrined in the UN Charter. “Why are the Scots and the residents of Canada’s Quebec allowed to hold independence referendums, but we are not?” they ask.
Another argument is the results of the 2014 and 2017 votes, where an overwhelming majority of participants supported independence.

What are the arguments of supporters of a united Spain?

The main argument is Spain’s Constitution, which refers to the “indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation, the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards”. The country’s fundamental law does not provide a procedure for a region to secede by its own will. As in such cases generally, the right to national self-determination conflicts with the principle of territorial integrity.
The referendums were not conducted in accordance with international standards, and turnout does not allow one to claim that a majority of Catalans has ever supported independence.
Catalan society is deeply divided on the question of independence. Secession without clear consensus could provoke serious internal conflict and undermine social stability.
Hopes of economic prosperity, experts argue, are unfounded. An independent Catalonia would not automatically receive EU membership. This would entail customs duties, reduced investment, disrupted supply chains, falling exports, rising unemployment, and other problems. Analysts estimate that Catalonia would lose a fifth of its GDP simply through the transition to becoming an independent state.

So is the Catalan independence movement dead now?

2017 was clearly the peak of independence enthusiasm. For example, in March of that year 44.3 per cent of Catalonia’s residents supported independence while 48.5 per cent were against it. The referendum led to no practical outcomes, and support for radical steps has steadily declined ever since. In February–March 2025, 37.6 per cent of Catalonia’s residents supported independence while 54.1 per cent were opposed.
The shift in mood was also influenced by the fact that, instead of the People’s Party — advocates of hard-line approaches — the Socialists came to power in Spain. In May 2024, the Spanish parliament adopted an amnesty law for Catalan separatists. In August of the same year, Catalonia came to be led by the Socialist Salvador Illa, who returned to the peix al cove tactic.
For example, the Catalan leader is pushing for Catalan to become an official language of the EU. In addition, he is developing and implementing measures to increase the active use of the language within the region itself. The National Pact for Language, agreed in May 2025 includes more than 200 proposals and objectives. Its implementation through to 2030 is expected to cost at least €200 million annually.
On 11 September 2024, only 60,000 people took part in the Diada march — the lowest figure in a decade. By comparison, in 2014 some 1.8 million people took to Barcelona’s streets. But this does not mean that the independence movement is dead. Catalan separatism operates in cycles, like tides — and a new surge remains possible. Escalation could occur, for instance, if Spain’s government is once again formed by the People’s Party. Or, even more so, if the ultra-right Vox gains greater influence in national politics.

For now, supporters of radical steps have gone quiet and are waiting for the right moment. As reported in May this year, they even have 6,500 ballot boxes ready: they were ordered as reserves for the 2017 referendum and have been stored ever since in a warehouse in southern France. Activists are convinced these ballot boxes will still be used.